Huella Online Travel Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Huella Online Travel - Case Study Example Because the biggest problem is the insecurity issues related to the mode of payment, the company should make sure that they enhance their target client’s trust. Introduction Huella Online Travel Ltd faces challenges of winning the market share in Hong Kong regardless of its good performance in other places. As a market research firm, we are adrafting a proposal where we are going to highlight the major challenges the Huella faces in capturing the Hong Kong Market. The company identified Hong Kong as a potential market for their services because the city has higher population who are tech savvy and are of young generation. We, at Market sense, are going to suggest some ways that the Huella may use to overcome its problems. After thinking of many survey techniques, we employed the best technique that enables us to understand the problem and provide the best solution. Background Huella Online Travel Ltd, a Malaysian-based online travel portal targeting Asia such as Greater China had its market share hovering under 5% since launching its site in Hong Kong. The general performance in Hong Kong has been poorer than any other market. Despite introducing their services to the techno-savvy nature of the Hong Kong population, their services especially the online flight purchases recorded low transaction. We have prepared a research proposal to solve some of the problems Huella faces in gaining the Hong Kong market. RESEARCH DESIGN Research design we are going to use is a descriptive research.

Kaesung Industrial Complex in North Korea research paper

Kaesung Industrial Complex in North Korea - Research Paper Example plex is a result of the attempt to improve relations between South Korea and North Korea made by Hyundai Group beginning in 1998 that coincided with the Republic of Korea’s policy (Manyin 5). In addition to this, several dozen South Korean companies had facilities there which include chemical, machinery, textile and electronics factories (Britannica.com). Most of the employees are from North Korea, but still, there are people from southern part too and all together they create a cheap labor for the South. Moreover, it is a duty-free zone that has no restrictions on the use of foreign currency or credit cards (Manyin 6). However, the political situation also plays an important role in the relationships between two countries. For example, the deteriorating inter-Korean relations in 2013 led to both countries’ withdrawal of their employees from the industrial zone. Furthermore, this city is an important cultural and educational center. There were many tombs, palaces and te mples which were destroyed during the war, but hopefully many of them were restored and were designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2013 (Britannica.com). The Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) is an economic enterprise in which companies of southern Korea have set up factories in a North Korean enclave ten miles north of the demilitarized zone. Although, it is a way for South Korean companies to use cheap labor from North Korea for low-end products. The president Roh Moo-hyun who was a liberal, tried to make Kaesong economically viable. He provided the foreign markets with goods which were produced in the complex. In addition to this, his administration made a lot of attempts to gain a duty-free status for products of Kaesong. Roh tried to place the language in the KORUS FTA. The United States refused to include this language in the agreement because it would give certain benefits to North Korean regime. It is actually the last example of the inter-Korean cooperation projects. Their relations

Comparison Thoughts Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Comparison Thoughts - Essay Example CONTEST is the UK government’s strategy for responding to the threat of terrorism. Basically, the strategy focuses on countering the aspirations of terrorists in using â€Å"chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons (CRBN)†. According to The Home Office (2010), CONTEST works with the 4Ps strategy which involves preventing, pursuing, protecting, and preparing for terrorist attacks. Essentially, the strategy aims at preventing people from becoming terrorists and extremists, pursuing and stopping people with terrorist intentions, protecting people from terrorist attacks, and preparing for actions to be taken in case of an attack. In the United States, the Chemical and Biological Defense Program (CBDP) under the Department of Defense is the organ charged with countering CRBN attacks. According to Department of Defense (2013) the principle focus of the CBDP is on preventing, protecting, mitigating, responding, and recovering from CBRN threats. The key strategies are to equip the war fighter with necessary preventive and protective skills, counter imminent threats, and maintain infrastructure for countering these threats. However, unlike CONTENT, the CBDP focuses most of its efforts on protecting the war fighter and then the nation, while the former focuses on the protection of the civilians (Department of Defense, 2013). In this sense, the CBDP should try and emulate CONTENT and focus more on civilians’ safety. In order to succeed in the 4Ps strategy, CONTEST collects current intelligence on probable attacks and assesses the level of terrorism risk and the vulnerability of the country to such attacks. The intelligence collected also helps CONTEST in tracking down terrorist organizations and their intentions to use CRBN materials on people. Consequently, security agencies pursue and neutralize such threats. In the United States, the CBDP uses bio-surveillance to collect data

Adventures of Huckleberry Finn Style Analysis Essay Example for Free

Adventures of Huckleberry Finn Style Analysis Essay Macro: Plot:â€Å"Pretty soon he it was Miss Watson’s Jim! I bet I was glad to see him. I says: ‘Hello, Jim!’ and skipped out.† (Twain 40) â€Å"Who do you reckon ‘t is?† â€Å"I hain’t no idea. Who is it?† â€Å"It’s Tom Sawyer!† (Twain 203) Point of View: â€Å"It didn’t take me long to make up my mind that these liars warn’t no kings nor dukes, at all, but just low-down humbugs and frauds.† (Twain 115) â€Å"Well, I couldn’t see no advantage in going where she was going, so I made up my mind I wouldn’t try for it. † (Twain 6-7) Micro: Figurative Language: â€Å"I never see such an old ostrich for wanting to gobble everything and I a trusting you all the time, like you was my own father.† (Twain 189) â€Å"BOOM!† I see the white smoke squirt out of the ferry-boat’s side.† (Twain 36) Allusion:â€Å"ONe was â€Å"Pilgrim’s Progress,† about a man that left his family it didn’t say why.† (Twain 93) â€Å"Why, hain’t you ever read any books at all?† Baron Trenck, nor Casanova, nor Benvenuto Chel -getting a prisoner loose in such an old- maidy way as that? No;† (Twain 216) Imagery:â€Å"There was a clock in the middle of the mantel-piece, with a picture of a town painted on the bottom half of the glass front, and a round place in the middle of it for the sun, and you could see the pendulum swing behind it. It was beautiful to hear that clock tick.† (Twain 93) â€Å"and a streak of butter come a trickling down my forehead, and Aunt Sally she see it, and turns white as a sheet.† (Twain 245) Themes: In Mark Twain’s Adventures of Huckleberry FInn finding the truth yourself is wiser than believing what others tell you. In Adventures of Huckleberry Finn by Mark Twain he portrays how differences bring people closer together and make peace.

Role of the Military in Post-colonial Politics

Role of the Military in Post-colonial Politics How do you explain the prominent role of the military in political life in the post-colonial Middle East? The role of the military in the political spectrum in the Middle East is becoming more significant by the day. Over the last few years, several Middle Eastern countries have experienced governmental changes during which the military played a part, most notably is Egypt. Yet this is not a modern trend; throughout the past century, the military has taken a high position in the society of various Middle Eastern countries, particularly since the fall of colonisation. (Cronin, 2013) Through this essay one will attempt to examine the reasons behind the power that the military has been given by investigating these countries throughout their colonisation as well as the immediate time following the fall of colonisation. It will also be important to determine the role that this has in modern day Middle Eastern politics by scrutinising how the military and politicians interact with each other. Through these topics, one will be able to explain why the military plays such a prominent role in the post-colonial Middle East. When examining the Middle East, it is imperative that we study the role of democracy in states in which the military plays a prominent part. The majority of Middle Eastern countries are Islamic. (Khadduri, 1953) The role Islam plays in how society operates in these countries is impossible to ignore and it in turns influences the regions politics. Everything in an Islamic democracy comes under the influence and jurisdiction of God. (Khadduri, 1953) This is far from democratic yet the people who live in these regions accept the system because of their moral convictions. By accepting and living with the system they are living with God and accepting his rules as laid out through the Islamic penal codes. The Middle East experienced many problems in the early 20th century following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the colonisation of many states in the region by European powers. Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, countries in the region carried over some characteristics to their new successor states, particularly praetorianism and patrimonialism. (Cronin, 2013) The colonising states were therefore forced to introduce reforms to stem the excessive power from previous regimes. These reforms were introduced to correct the abuses, forcing the army to establish a European model. (Cronin, 2013) The Army officials were now absorbed into European ideals of nationalism, constitutionalism and socialism, allowing them to become the most radicalised group in society. (Khadduri, 1953) The military officers for the most part operate upon their own morals, and if the politicians fail, the military will overthrow them; effectively giving all the power to the military. (Khadduri, 1953 ) Economically, countries like Egypt suffered under colonisation and this led to an increase in Military power in the region. The thriving Egyptian textile industry was abandoned and the raw materials were shipped to the United Kingdom where they were fashioned into finished products and then exported back to the Middle Eastern Market for resale. (Khadduri, 1953) This created a need for employment, which led to increased members of the lower classes joining the military (removing people from the prospect of productive labour). Politically, colonisation played a fundamental part in the make-up of the modern day Middle East. The creation of Jordan as an independent state in 1946 stemmed from the Palestinian War. (Sela, 1992) The British were forced into the creation of state in which the boundaries were drawn on a map in London. This created a state that had opposing social groups and ideologies and no majority assembly creating political tension. (Sela, 1992) Similar actions occurred throughout the Middle East, as European powers attempted to redraw state lines and move different social and religious groups into new countries in an attempt to cut out future rebellions. (Sela, 1992) These newly founded societies relied heavily on the role of the military in an effort to maintain the peace as different political leaders came and went. Following the collapse of the British Empire and the independence gained by former French colonies, the Middle East became a deeply unstable region. (Khadduri, 1953) As many countries throughout the world were experimenting and introducing new political ideas and platforms, the Middle East was being restricted by its religious ideology. (Khadduri, 1953) The failure to gain a platform that appealed to the masses during this time as well as the vulnerability and highly conservative nature of the Middle Eastern regimes made the army the main power in these Islamic states. (Khadduri, 1953)This power derived from a failure on the part of the politicians, who never addressed the problems that derived from a society whom did not accept a democracy. (Cronin, 2013) The control of government by the military was therefore indicative both of serious defeats in the democratic processes in the Middle East and the eagerness with which the Middle Eastern political leaders sought to pursue a high pol itical life. Our assessment of the role the military has in Middle East politics is largely formed around the history of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s in the region. (Rubin, 2001) Throughout these decades military coups were frequent in the Arab world. The armed forces during this time were highly politicised, and the publically elected rulers generally failed to control them. Also during this period, the military was seen as the most effective national institutions and in some cases, the only effective one. (Rubin, 2001) Military officers during this period believed that politics was too important to be just left to the politicians, whom they alleged were incompetent and corrupt individuals. (Rubin, 1987) The 1948 Palestinian defeat along with the failure to gain Arab unity was perceived by military officers as subservience to Western states. (Sela, 1992) The failure by the politicians to modernise and develop the economies in the region was also among the criticisms that motivated officers to seek power. The military coups could also be interpreted due to the various ethnic, religious, social-class, and regional groups that were represented in the military at the time, those who were in fact, largely excused from the political and social elites. (Rubin, 1987) These coups were therefore social revolutions which occurred with the assistance of the military. The current era of Middle Eastern politics was shaped by these military regimes and the elected rulers who learned how to stem the threat. These officials who survived the age of military coups were determined to prevent military officers from staging any fresh coups and had substantial success in preventing their armies from intervening in politics. (Rubin, 2001)The rulers also were able to build a loyal military that could successfully maintain internal order. (De Atkine, 2000) However the price of this loyalty damaged their ability to function as actual armed forces during wars, as their much of their training was gained whilst stemming revolts. (De Atkine, 2000) The failure to gain a political platform that was accepted by the majority of society forced Middle Eastern countries to resort to the conservative authority seen in the region before colonisation. This conventional power derives from a monarch through the clergy and the army; the two most influential fields in a modern Middle Eastern state. (Rubin, 1987) Following the inception of independence in the region, the government sought to secure the future of the state through these two fields. Islam would become the focal point of law in the region while a large army would consolidate independence. (Khadduri, 1953) The army became synonymous with providing its members with a good education; these educated officials became the most trusted members of society and were publically backed to work within the public service. (Khadduri, 1953) Subsequently it was assumed that the military would be able to enforce a united society amongst the various communities within the Middle Eastern States. (Kleber Naumann, 2013) The military would become the catalyst in modernising the society. The military officers inadvertently became expected to set up; state-controlled economies, introduce a just distribution of wealth, and encourage a new national responsibility based on egalitarianism and political participation. (Kleber Naumann, 2013) However, it should be noted that the military’s loyalty lies with the regime rather than the consensus of the general population, the democratic system in place, or the state as a concept. There are exceptions however such as Turkey (where the armies are the guardians of the republic) and of course Israel. The program of most Arab governments over the last few decades has been to cut this power that the military has. In some Middle Eastern countries however, the military is at the centre of the social order and the governmental ideology; for example, the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps main aim is to support radical Islamic rule and this is mainly due to Islamic tradition. (Bazargan, 1997) In the 1950s, the radical military officers who sought to gain power always had their views tied to secularist beliefs. Moreover, the armed forces had more influence from foreign ideas and personnel than any other institution in Middle Eastern society. (Bazargan, 1997) Perhaps the loyalty of the military is merely down to a pragmatic and patriotic attitude which discouraged traditional the Islamic devotion. Even Israel’s army was traditionally dominated by secularists. Judaism may now more than ever be becoming an important factor in the Israeli Army but they are still quite low in the higher ranking positions. (Cohen, 1997) Also the Turkish army is explicitly secular, believing it to be one of the Turkish republic’s most important values. (Ozcan, 2001) Israel and Turkey however are relatively unique, in that they ‘explicitly stress the military’s role in national integration: bringing people from different areas, backgrounds, and social levels together to forge them into a single nation.’ (Ozcan, 2001) These two countries have a very broad draft policy in their conscription and put a relatively large proportion of their citizens through some experience of military service. (Rubin, 2001) The armed forces can also play an important socio-economic role. They can absorb any excess labour, which might otherwise result in unemployment and therefore be politically disruptive; Egypt’s previous regime was a good example of this. As noted above, though, as economies develop the armed forces can be a drain on the workforce, removing people from potentially productive employment. (Kleber Naumann, 2013) The armed forces can also be used for development projects, and Egypt also furnishes a good example in this respect. (Rubin Kearney, 2001) The increased numbers has not improved the power the military has however. As governments in the Middle East have been deemed by Political Scientists to have successfully stemmed the power of the Military by forcing their political exclusion. (Rubin Kearney, 2001) Political scientists believe that the role of the armed forces in the region has been decreasing significantly in the last 30 years. (Rubin Kearney, 2001) This could be mainly due to the attempts by these countries to build and have access to weapons of mass destruction. At first glance, it would seem that the access to these weapons would only enhance the strength of the regions military. However, it should be noted that these governments control these weapons very closely and only allow certain military personal know about them. (Rubin Kearney, 2001) This would seem that the governments want to place more importance on these weapons than their own regular armed forces. In part, these countries attaining these weapons are attempts to deter the perceived deadlock between them and the military, and shifting the balance of power to their side. Clearly, these weapons of mass destruction add a new dimension to the doctrine and strategy of Middle East armed forces, as decisions can be directly enforced by those who give the order, the government. (Rubin Kearney, 2001) These weapons have already been used in the Iran-Iraq war–with both sides firing missiles at the others’ cities and using, especially in Iraq’s case, chemical weapons with great effectiveness in battlefield situations. (Bazargan, 1997) This has significantly lowered the power that the regular armed forces have, as the regular citizen may no longer see them as the guardians of the Arab state and instead shift the allegiance they had to these weapons. Israel has had nuclear capability for a long time however these weapons have had very little impact on its policy making o r military structure. It should be emphasized, that even the presence of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle Eastern region does not render the existing regular armies irrelevant. On the contrary, if such armaments break the existing deterrence deadlock they could make the armed forces a more important tool for power projection for the governments. (Rubin Kearney, 2001) This in turn will shift the power the government believed it has gained right back to the military. In recent years, the attempt to consolidate power by the governments in place has failed. The recent uprisings in the Middle East region have brought two major patterns to the attention of the public and Political scientists. Firstly, the politicization and mobilization of larger parts of the civilian population has called into question the belief that the Islamic/Arab societies are unable to engage in collective action as they are beset with political apathy. (Albrecht, 2012) A perspective on the uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Bahrain, Libya and Yemen with minor revolts in Jordan, Oman, and Morocco would have to make political scientists rethink that these societies are unable to mobilise. (Albrecht, 2012) Secondly, due to the increased importance put on military exclusion from Politics by the governments many Political Scientists came to believe that the armed forces had come to accept their role as protectors of the internal peace. (Albrecht, 2012) Yet this is not the case as it is evident that the military has played a part in the course of the recent uprisings. Therefore it is clear that the political engagement of the military in the region is at a much higher degree than first estimated, based on the research in the last thirty years. Throughout the last thirty years, attempts have been made to combat the power the military had in the Middle East by their respective governments. During the previous decades the rulers in place feared the possibility of a military coup at any time and in turn this led to any military officer believe they could rise up and gain power. Attempts have been made to deter the military from political interaction yet this seems to be a failed attempt as the armed forces play such a vital role in maintaining order in a very conservative region. It is hard to see this power ever fading either; as the people in the region place a high emphasis on the role of the military and will side with them over the democratic process. It is clear that colonisation played a large part in the public support for the military as throughout their colonisation and in the immediate period after the people regarded the armed forces as the keepers of peace and the guardians of independence. And with the Middle Eas t being as unstable as ever, it is difficult to see the heroic standing the military has in society fading any time soon. à ¯Ã¢â‚¬Å¡Ã‚ · Bibliography Albrecht, H., 2012. Military Engagement in Mobilizing Societies in the Middle East. [Online] Available at: http://www.eui.eu/DepartmentsAndCentres/RobertSchumanCentre/Research/InternationalTransnationalRelations/MediterraneanProgramme/MRM/MRM2013/ws02.aspx [Accessed 22 MArch 2014]. Bazargan, D., 1997. Iran: Politics, The Military and Gulf Security. MERIA, 1(3). Cohen, S., 1997. Portrait of the New Israeli Soldier. MERIA, 1(4). Cronin, S., 2013. Armies and State Building in the Modern Middle East: Politics, Nationalism and Military Reform. Oxford: I.B.Tauris Co Ltd. De Atkine, N., 2000. Why Arabs Lose Wars. MERIA, 4(1). Khadduri, M., 1953. The Role of the Military in Middle East Politics. The American Political Science Review, 47(2), pp. 511-524. Kleber, V. Naumann, N., 2013. Power struggles define the Middle East in 2013. DW, 28 December. Ozcan, G., 2001. The Turkish Foreign Policymaking Process and the Influence of the Military. In: B. Rubin K. Kirisci, eds. Turkey in World Politics: An Emerging Multi-Regional Power. London: Boulder Co. Rubin, B., 1987. Modern Dictators: Third World Coupmakers, Strongmen, and Populist Tyrants. New York: s.n. Rubin, B., 2001. The Military in Contemporary Middle East Politics. [Online] Available at: http://www.gloria-center.org/2001/03/rubin-2001-03-04/ [Accessed 21 March 2014]. Rubin, B. Kearney, T., 2001. Armed Forces in the Middle East. London: s.n. Sela, A., 1992. Transjordan, Israel and the 1948 War: Myth, Historiography and Reality. Middle Eastern Studies, 28(4), pp. 623-688. 12449538Page 1

Sung Ohm, Instructor :: Essays Papers

Sung Ohm, Instructor Purpose The documented researched essay allows you to understand the fundamentals of an academic conversation. In many respects, this essay is your entry into the conventions, methods, and rhetoric of an academic dialog. Participating in this conversation means that you will have to look carefully at the various positions academics and other experts take on a particular subject matter—especially when they differ from your own. You will need to negotiate and analyze the various arguments and eventually formulate your own stance. However, this must be a critically and ethically informed position—one that is substantiated by credible evidence. In order to successfully determine what a credible position is, you will need to rely on your rhetorical analysis skills. Not only will you analyze your sources ethos, pathos, and logos, but you will also analyze the persuasive nature of your own paper. You will need to make logically sound arguments—one that speaks to others who ar e in the same academic conversation and that seeks to persuade them responsibly. Research is essential in academics. A well-researched paper creates new knowledge—one of the basic premises of a university such as ours. A well-constructed and well-researched essay reveals that the writer has become an authority on a particular topic. To become an authority, you will determine and rely on the experts in the field so your readers can see that you have a well-informed and critical perspective. The Assignment For this assignment, you will research an issue that we have discussed in class. You will write and rewrite an out-of-class essay that uses your research to develop an argument on your topic. To help you research this essay, you will be required to write a short research proposal that draws upon your readings in this and other courses and an annotated bibliography. Proposal: The proposal is a way for you to begin the research process as well as a way for you to articulate your own interests in this project. In other words, the proposal allows you to create or negotiate the assignment according to your own interests. You may want to begin by asking critical questions that may lead you to refine your topic even more. Remember this essay is relatively short for a research paper so a more focused topic will serve you better. I strongly encourage you to ask questions rather than state a position at this point.

Anti-traditional Conception of Sex in Pounds Coitus Essay -- Pound Co

Anti-traditional Conception of Sex in Pound's "Coitus" Â   Critics have been fascinated and often baffled by Ezra Pound's shifting poetic style, which ranges from the profound simplicity of "In a Station of the Metro" to the complex intertextuality of the "Cantos." Pound's significance derives largely from his constant resolve to break traditional form and ideology, both literary and poetic. What is particularly unique about Pound, however, is that as he continually establishes precedence, he rarely abandons his thorough knowledge and appreciation of classical literature, drawing heavily from his literary and historical education in even his most groundbreaking works. "Coitus," one of Pound's early short works, exemplifies both his interest in the simple, efficient techniques of vorticism and his homage to the classics, interrelating them to create a statement that is unique and anti-traditional. Â   COITUS The gilded phaloi of the crocuses are thrusting at the spring air. Here is there naught of dead gods But a procession of festival, Â   A procession, O Giulio Romano, Fit for your spirit to dwell in. Dione, your nights are upon us. The dew is upon the leaf. The night about us is restless. Â   Although classical allusions and imagist influences are an essential part of "Coitus," it is the disturbingly stark sexual force that dominates its tone. However bluntly carnal the poem seems, it does not at any point explicitly mention sex, except in the unmistakable directness of the title. Pound renders his tone through a montage of classical allusions and phallic imagery which resemble the vorticistic Japanese haiku; the beginning and ending two lines share similarities with Pound's... ...ion, yoking allusive fragments of western culture with elements of modern life. By combining the ancient with the new, Pound produces disturbing and sexually centered anachronisms that capitalize on the previous history of literature but also revolutionary modern theories; psychological, sexual and literary. As a whole, "Coitus" is an atom of knowledge, capable of splitting and exploding into far reaches of historical and literary realms, yet instantly and intriguingly disturbing for its modern sexual tone. Â   Â   The following poems are borrowed from page 109 of Personae: The Collected Shorter Poems of Ezra Pound, 1926. Â   Â   IN A STATION OF THE METRO The apparition of these faces in the crowd; Petals on a wet, black bough. Â   ALBA As cool as the pale wet leaves of lily-of-the-valley She lay beside me in the dawn. Â